|
Indian Pediatr 2020;57:
199-203 |
|
Children of Incarcerated Parents
|
Neelam Sukhramani and Shivangi
Gupta
From
Department of Social Work, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.
Correspondence to: Dr Neelam Sukhramani, Professor, Department of Social
Work, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India.
Email:
[email protected]
|
Psychosocial health of children of incarcerated parents is a
critical area of concern and yet acutely neglected in India.
Despite Supreme court guidelines on ensuring age-appropriate
care for children living along with their mothers in prison,
there is variance in practice, which compounds the
disadvantage of being a prisoner’s child. The children left
behind at home due to parental incarceration also experience
vulnerabilities that emanate from their pre-existing
socio-economic disadvantages, the continued interface of the
child with the criminal justice system, as well as societal
perception towards them. This results in a pronounced effect
on their health, and educational, social and emotional
wellbeing. Conscious efforts are required for strengthening
the factors that could mitigate the adverse consequences of
parental incarceration coupled with a debate on penal
populism and the social and economic costs associated with
the same. Keywords: Children of
prisoners, Emotional consequences, Visitation, Women in
prison.
|
Children of incarcerated parents continue to be a largely misunderstood
and yet, a very vulnerable group. The extensive discourse on the
possibility of their culpability without evidence to support the same,
has driven attention away from the fact that their childhood needs to be
protected and that their entitlements cannot be denied by virtue of
their parent’s alleged involvement in offending behavior.
Children of incarcerated parents are broadly divided into two broad
categories – those who can live along with their mother in the prison
(up to the age of 6 years) and those that are left behind when their
parent(s) is/are incarcerated. Children left behind could be living with
the remaining parent, with other kin caregivers, in a child-care
institution, or on their own as an only child household. Information
with respect to the number of these children is missing except in the
case of children living along with their mothers in the prison.
Nonetheless, considering the fertility rate and the prison population
within the reproductive age group [1], an extremely rough estimate of
children of incarcerated parents could be more than 8 lakh in the
country. The number of children living along with their mothers in
prisons across India, was 1942 at the end of 2016 [1].
Research
has been conducted in greater measure on children living with their
mothers in the prison, largely due their visibility and access within a
single place. On the other hand, children living outside have been an
invisible population.
CHILDREN LIVING IN THE PRISON
It is well established that the early childhood years are most
critical for the physical, emotional, social and cognitive development
[2]. The social and physical environment in interaction with biology
exercise an influence on development beginning prenatally and continuing
through infancy and childhood and even later [3]. Prisons do not offer
the physical and social environment that is conducive for a child’s
development. It is in this context that interventions are required if
children (below the age of 6 years) are to stay along with their mother
in the prison. The Honorable Supreme Court in its judgment in RD
Upadhyay vs. State of Andhra Pradesh and Others [4] citing the
recommendations made by the All India Committee on Jail Reforms[5] have
laid down guidelines for care provision with respect to this category of
children. They have emphasized that the child should not be treated as
an undertrial or convict while in jail with his/her mother, is entitled
to age-appropriate food, shelter, medical facilities and opportunities
for education and recreation. Children’s physical growth must be
monitored regularly along with provisions for vaccination within the
prison. Every prison is required have a creche (for children aged 0-3
year) and nursery facility (for children aged 3-6 year), which should
preferably be located outside the prison premises. Before sending a
pregnant woman to jail, the competent authority must ensure that the
jail has proper facilities for pre-natal and post-natal care. Lactating
and pregnant women are entitled to a special diet within the prison.
Besides those considered to be high-risk prisoners, the jail authorities
are to arrange temporary release for childbirth in a government
hospital. Suspension of sentence can also be considered as an option in
case of casual offenders. To protect the long-term interest of the
child, the birth certificate is not expected to carry the place of birth
as the prison but instead the locality within which the prison is
located. In the absence of official data on the compliances with respect
to these guidelines, reliance is being placed upon some state-specific
studies in order to understand the situation of children living within
prisons with their mothers.
Research has revealed that separate
space is not earmarked for female inmates and their children in all
prisons [6]. In cases where separate barracks have been earmarked, the
challenge of overcrowding may remain [7]. Inadequacy of space pinches
children’s development since prisons are locked up after sunset in most
places.
The creche and nursery can offer an opportunity to the
children to escape from the prison environment, for a few hours, besides
being a space for education, recreation and supplementary nutrition.
Notwithstanding the Supreme Court guidelines, the facility of a creche
as well as nursery has been found to be available only in some jails
[7-10]. Further, the quality of the nursery/creches, where available,
has been found to be discrepant in terms of availability of teachers,
play material, presence of a child-centered library and teacher-student
ratio [6-9]. Recreational opportunities for children also vary from
being provided with a few toys [9] to having few swings in a ground [7]
which, at times, may be utilized for drying clothes [7]. Opportunity for
using the swings is only available in the afternoon, which works as a
disadvantage for children, particularly in summers [7]. The television
sets were available in most prisons but were found to be largely used
for viewing serials that cater to the interests of the women inmates
rather than children. In a few prisons, children were reported to be
occasionally taken for picnics, with the support of non-governmental
organizations [10]. Quantity of food provided to the children has also
been found to be inadequate and the mothers reported that no special
diet was provided to the weak and unhealthy children [9]. There were
also variations in respect of provision of age-appropriate diet for
children. In some cases, specific efforts were made to provide diet to
children in accordance with their nutritional requirements [10] but in
other cases, female prison inmates had to share their food with their
children [8]. A separate dietary plan in case of pregnant inmates was
found to be missing in all the studies. Thus, variations are visible
across prisons despite the incorporation of the court guidelines in the
Model Prison Manual, 2016 [11].
In the absence of a pediatrician
in the jail premises, the health concerns of children are not
necessarily attended to adequately. Jail hospitals were not found to be
properly equipped for providing treatment to small children [8]. In a
more recent study undertaken in two prisons of Uttar Pradesh, mothers
reported that in case of serious health-related concerns of children,
the doctors from the district hospital were informed and requested to
attend to the child, but the mothers were not satisfied with the medical
facilities provided to their children [9]. Regarding the vaccination
schedule, it was being largely followed [7-9] provided the children were
available at the time that the vaccination was being administered and
the vaccine was available [9].
While most of the researches have
focused on the living, educational, health and recreational facilities
available to children, there are very few studies that have tried to
understand the physical, cognitive, social and language development
amongst the children living with their mothers in prison. Reliance is
thus being placed on two studies which are comparatively recent in
nature and which were accessible. In one of the researches [7], which
was done in a Delhi prison, the cognitive development of children was
assessed through an observation checklist, (a brief recognition and
naming test designed for the children by the researcher), as well as
interactions with crèche staff, and language development was ascertained
through interviews with the incarcerated mothers [7]. Due to the lack of
a stimulating environment, children who were born in prison or had
started living in the prison at a very early age, displayed difficulty
in recognition of alphabets and numbers, in pronouncing words and
understanding age appropriate instructions [7]. In another study also
carried out in Delhi prisons [12], a school readiness instrument was
used to assess the skills that help children (aged 3-6 year) to adjust
better in school as well as acquire the literacy and numeracy skills.
The researchers found that most of the children had been able to master
lower order thinking skills such as pre-number concept, simple pattern
thinking but found the tasks associated with higher order thinking
skills such as sequential thinking, classification of objects, reading
readiness, and relative comparison of numbers, challenging [12].
Significantly limited or no exposure to the outside world had an impact
on the children’s conceptual understanding of the outside world.
Children were often afraid of men, including even their male relatives.
Furthermore, being inside the prison for a long time was seen to
transform the meaning of ‘going outside’ for children, restricting it in
many cases to a court visit in a van [7]. In another study, the mothers
stated that the absence of family life was having an effect on the
social development of their children. The child misses out on playing
with siblings, and the opportunity to understand and imbibe familial
values and norms is denied to the child living in the prison [9].
Another major concern is the children’s exposure to profanities and
violent fights in the barracks [13]. Such children were found to be more
verbally abusive besides being engaged in violent fights and bullying
[7].
CHILDREN LIVING OUTSIDE THE PRISON
Research on children left behind upon parental arrest has been limited.
The absence of any database of these children coupled with the lack of
any documentation at the time of parental arrest, makes any research on
this group a challenging process. Notwithstanding this submission, some
research has been carried out by Prayas (2002), a field action project
of Tata Institute of Social Sciences on children of women under trials
[14]. Additionally, the authors have also completed a study on children
(aged 6-18 year) of convicted prisoners (unpublished data). Another
study on children of women prisoners in Aligarh and Etah jails has also
been published recently [9].
Children and caregivers experience
extreme financial challenges consequent to parental incarceration due to
the removal of the earning family member as well as expenditure incurred
due to the interface with the criminal justice system [9, 14]. These
challenges manifested in having to borrow money for meeting basic
necessities or taking them on credit or managing without them, skipping
meals, dropping out from school or entry of children into the labor
force [14]. Abject poverty may also result in the child pilfering things
so as to ensure food in the family [14]. Families are forced to sell off
or mortgage their assets to meet the day-to-day expenses [14]. Retaining
accommodation was seen to be a challenge in some of the cases where the
families were living on rent [14]. In case of kutcha houses or semi-
pucca houses, repair, even if required, slides down in the priority list
resulting in the house crumbling down [14]. In cases of paternal
incarceration, the mothers are caught off guard due to not having
stepped into the world of employment prior to the incident and in some
cases not having ventured out of the houses without their spouses.
Visitation (mulaqat) to the prison can also be financially draining for
most of the families who already find themselves on the edge [14].
These children experience health problems such as cough, cold,
pneumonia, tuberculosis, typhoid, malaria, epilepsy, as well as skin and
dental problems [9,14]. Skin problems increased if there was no one to
bathe the children or wash their clothes. Malnourishment was a serious
concern due to food shortages or the absence of any elder person to cook
in the family [14]. Children become dependent on others for the
provision of a proper meal [9]. Treatment of children having an illness
requiring prolonged medication were often stopped after the mother’s
incarceration [14]. At times, even essential medication was not provided
on account of lack of attention or limitation of resources. Minor health
concerns got aggravated due to lack of required medical attention [9].
Children experience feelings of loneliness and sadness particularly
during the initial period of their parent’s imprisonment. Caregivers
report their inability to sleep for several days, not being able to eat,
retracting into a shell, and excessively crying [14]. Self-care may also
get affected due to the trauma of separation. There are feelings of fear
which are related to having witnessed the crime scene, fear of leaving
the mother alone in the prison, fear of the remaining parent, if he is
abusive, or fear of the police (having witnessed the treatment that was
meted out to the mother) [14]. On the other hand, there are
also others who are angry and disappointed with the mother for having to
bear the consequences of incarceration [14]. A few children may also
hold feelings of resentment against the incarcerated parent particularly
if they are responsible for the death of a loved one [14]. Disturbed or
deviant behavior may also be seen in some of the children largely
triggered by the consequences of parental incarceration. A feeling of
hopelessness may result in suicidal behavior [14].
The emotional
consequences on children are contingent on whether the child is able to
understand the implications of imprisonment, the duration of
imprison-ment (with a shorter duration resulting in lesser
consequences), pre-incarceration relationship with the caregiver, and
single or repeated incarceration (with a first time incarceration of the
mother having a serious effect on the child) [14].
In some
families, children are not informed about parental incarceration due to
the belief that the same may have an adverse consequence on them or at
times in consideration of their young age. However, non-disclosure, over
a period of time, can also result in a feeling of betrayal amongst the
children.
The continued interface of the children with the
criminal justice system also affects them in several ways. Even while
the opportunity for visiting the parent is available in the prison, the
procedures associated with the same can be extremely unpleasant for
some. The repeated checking is viewed by some children as a violation of
their body boundaries and some of them do not like the look of suspicion
that the police officers may hold for them. Prisons are not designed
keeping in mind the effect that it may have on young children [13]. For
many children, a prison visitation means long hours of travel followed
by repeated security checks, and then finally a conversation with a
parent across a glass barrier, with, most often, no opportunity for
touching the parent. The court visits by the children also exposes them
to the unethical practice of paying bribes to various functionaries in
order to meet their parent, getting information for the case or making
payments to the prosecutor [14].
Education stands a chance of
being a major casualty. Continuance of children in schools can become
challenging in the absence of means to pay school fees, for their
uniform, books and other essential things or to even provide for
supplementary academic support. Residential transitions due to parental
imprisonment could also result in temporary educational cessation. When
schools are located at a distance, discontinuation in case of adolescent
girls due to the absence of anyone to accompany them and the perception
of insecurity has also been seen [14]. At times, the need to take care
of younger siblings can also cause drop-out [9].
Children of
prison inmates may also be living in child care institutions, registered
under the Juvenile Justice legislation or even in hostels, but by and
large they feel discomforted with this provision. They were found to
long for their parents as well as their siblings who were at times
separated from them because of institutionalization [14]. For children
living in hostels, the absence of visitors made them the subject of
ridicule by others by being referred to as ‘orphans’ [7]. The effect
of parental incarceration on children living outside is, to a certain
extent, determined by the quality of caregiving available. However,
caregiver’s own abilities are governed by various factors including
their age, their physical abilities, the support available to them by
their own families, as well as their financial wherewithal [14]. In
cases where children have to assume the role of caregivers, they are
overstretched and find it challenging to cope with the situation if
other forms of support are not available over a prolonged period of time
[14]. In the presence of other co-occurring adversities such as death of
a caregiver in close proximity of incarceration or disability of a
child, the effects of parental incarceration become more pronounced.
CONCLUSION
Internationally, children of
incarcerated parents are recognized as ‘orphans of justice’ but this
recognition does not always translate into the desired attention that
needs to be given to this group, as is evident through this review. This
population, on their own, feel under-empowered to advocate for their
entitlements. Concomitantly, adherence to the colonial legacy of law
without any significant changes has also resulted in penal populism
without necessarily examining alternative forms of sentencing which
could serve the dual purpose of ‘repairing the harm’ and mitigating the
effect of parental offending on children. More attention to the concerns
of these children, and research in their social, emotional and health
needs would definitely be helpful in improving their status.
Acknowledgments: Dr Shweta Verma, Ms Navnee Gupta, Mr Nandan Kumar
Mishra who were a part of the project team that was involved in
conducting a primary research on children of incarcerated parents. Dr
Sigamani Panneer who was the Co-Principal Investigator for the primary
study. Indian Council of Medical Research, New Delhi for funding primary
research titled, ‘Predictors/Determinants of Psycho-Social Health among
Children of Incarcerated Parents: A Study of NCT of Delhi’ that offered
an opportunity to explore this issue in greater depth.
References
1.
National Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs. Prison
Statistics India 2016 [Internet]. New Delhi; 2019. Available
from:
http://ncrb.gov.in/StatPublications/PSI/Prison2016/Full/PSI-2016.pdf.
Accessed on October 13, 2019.
2. UNICEF. Early Childhood
Development: Real Life Stories from Around the World [Internet].
New York: UNICEF; 2011. Available from:
https://www.unicef.org/earlychild
hood/files/ECD__Real_Life_Stories_ from_Around_ the_ World.pdf.
Accessed on October 13, 2019.
3. Shonkoff JP, Garner AS,
Siegel BS, Dobbins MI, Earls MF, McGuinn L, et al. The lifelong
effects of early childhood adversity and toxic stress.
Pediatrics. 2012;129: e232-46.
4. R.D. Upadhyay vs. State
of A.P. and Ors. Writ Petition (Civil) 559 of 1994. 2006.
5. Mulla AN, Sharma CY. Report of the all India committee on
jail reforms 1980-83. New Delhi, Government of India press;
1983.
6. Bhandari A. Women prisoners and their dependent
children: A study of Jaipur and Jodhpur central jails in
Rajasthan. Sociol Bull [Internet]. 2016;65:357-79. Available
from: https://www.jstor.org/stable/26369541. Accessed on July
30, 2019.
7. Sharma G. Being a prisoner’s child: Effects
of parents’ imprisonment on the child [M.Phil.]. Department of
Social Work, University of Delhi; 2013.
8. Pandit Govind
Ballabh Pant Institute of Studies in Rural Development. Children
of women prisoners in jails: A study in Uttar Pradesh
[Internet]. 2004. Available from:
htt://planningcommission.gov.in/ reports/sereport/ser/
stdy_jailwm.pdf. Accessed on July 30, 2019.
9. Shakil M.
Children of incarcerated mothers: Study of district jails of
Aligarh and Etah, Uttar Pradesh [Ph.D.]. Department of Social
Work, Aligarh Muslim University; 2017.
10. Sarangi S.
Children of prisoners: A rights based perspective. Delhi
Commission for Protection of Child Rights; 2012. 11. Ministry
of Home Affairs, Government of India. Model Prison Manual. New
Delhi; 2016.
12. Centre for Early Childhood Education and
Development, Ambedkar University. Glimpses of ‘Exploring
Childhood’ in Tihar [Internet]. 2012. Available from:
https://indiavisionfoundation.org/reports/TiharCECEDReport. pdf.
Accessed on September 28, 2019.
13. HAQ: Centre for Child
Rights. Submission to the Committee on the Rights of the Child
For the Day of General Discussion on “Children of Imprisoned
Parents” [Internet]. 2011. Available from:
https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/CRC/Discussions/2011/Submissions/HAQCentreforChildRightsIndia.pdf.
Accessed on July 30, 2019.
14. PRAYAS. Forced Separation:
Children of imprisoned mothers (An exploration in two cities)
[Internet]. Mumbai: PRAYAS; 2002. Available from:
https://www.tiss.edu/uploads/files/Dharmadikari.pdf. Accessed on
October 20, 2017.
|
|
|
|